The arrival of Uzbek President Shavkat Mirziyoyev at Samarkand’s Registan Square, with its three madrasas—once a center of scholarship and spirituality, later a marketplace, and today a top tourist attraction on any trip to Uzbekistan—is met with loud applause. On the large screens on either side of the square, patriotic images are simultaneously displayed: the imposing construction projects of Tashkent, the magnificent buildings of the Timurid dynasty, interspersed with images of state visits by political dignitaries, including Vladimir Putin. In Uzbekistan, Russia is not a taboo subject; on the contrary, Russian is commonly spoken everywhere. The Russian ambassador is just as much an honored guest of the festival as the ambassadors from Europe. The occasion is the Sharq Taronalari (Melodies of the East) music festival. Held every two years since 1997, over 25 countries present their folkloric music and dances.
The president’s speech is delivered in Uzbek, with translation aids available only to a select group of diplomats and high-ranking guests in the front rows. In his address, the president emphasizes that the festival shows the “humanistic nature of Islam.” Today, this phrase seems to capture the essence of Uzbekistan’s relationship with religion. The country, with its rich and varied history, bears the marks of many eras and faiths. Zoroastrianism left its traces here, as did Islam, which has shaped the country since the 8th century. But Jews and Christians also found a home in Uzbek lands. The Soviet era, with its officially mandated atheism, added another layer. Now, in the young 33 years of independence, a new generation of Uzbeks is searching for their identity between tradition and modernity.
Under the rule of Islam Karimov (1938–2016), Uzbekistan’s long-time president, Islam was firmly in the hands of the state. The Muslim call to prayer (Adhan) and the wearing of the hijab in public were forbidden. After Karimov’s death, religious reforms were initiated as part of a cautious opening of the country. Although carefully measured, the liberalization had unintended consequences. While the state attempted to promote a “secular” interpretation of Islam, illiberal Islamic movements used the newly gained media freedom to spread their conservative understanding of Islam. For example, imams now preach on social platforms about the advantages of a conservative appearance for women and advocate for the observance of modesty.
Years ago, it was rare to see women in the streets of Central Asia with their hair covered. Today, however, the hijab has become a common sight. One reason for this is that enlightened Uzbeks, although understanding of Islam Karimov’s policies, criticized that he—unlike Kemal Atatürk, the founder of the Republic of Turkey—did not invest enough in education and enlightenment. To counter illiberal Islamic currents, the Uzbek Committee for Religious Affairs has published a list of materials, texts, and forums that are classified as extremist and terrorist and are banned in Uzbekistan. These include Telegram and YouTube channels, Facebook, Instagram, and TikTok, as well as religious websites, books, and songs, known as nasheeds. Remarkably, many channels and platforms on this list are hardly criticized by Western authorities. The latest example involves jihadist nasheeds that the Solingen attacker listened to in the asylum shelter.
Not only do Muslim visitors from other countries criticize Uzbekistan’s ambivalent approach to Islam, but human rights organizations also raise concerns. According to Human Rights Watch, the Uzbek government continues to restrict religious freedom, and authorities view even moderate forms of religiosity as “extremism.” This criticism is often met with misunderstanding by many Uzbeks. “We are not against Islam, but against fundamentalist Islam,” they say. It is always easier to criticize from a distance. For women in particular, the focus is on women’s rights in Uzbekistan.
Uzbek feminists look at Afghanistan with concern. When the Taliban regime regained power there in August 2021, isolated scenes of jubilation occurred in Uzbekistan’s border region with Afghanistan—those involved were immediately arrested. For enlightened Uzbek women, Afghanistan is indeed a painful reminder of their own struggle. In the 1920s, the Soviet government initiated the Hujum campaign, a broad movement for the emancipation of women in Central Asia. “Hujum” means “attack” in Uzbek. The campaign aimed to combat veiling, child marriages, and the disadvantage of women in terms of education. Central to the effort was the fight against the paranja, the traditional full-body veil for women. Despite official Soviet support, it was a lengthy and dangerous battle. Women who joined the Hujum movement and publicly removed their paranja often became targets of attacks by conservative Muslims. Many paid with their lives. The increasing visibility of the hijab in public is viewed with mixed feelings by many Uzbek women. On the one hand, they see it as a sign of religious freedom; on the other, they fear a creeping conservatism.
However, Uzbekistan’s religious landscape is not solely composed of Islam; it is more diverse. About 270 kilometers west of Samarkand, nestled in the winding streets of Bukhara, stands one of the country’s oldest synagogues. Bukhara was once home to more than 20,000 Jews. Today, there are only about 200. Many Jews emigrated during Soviet times, mainly due to the anti-religious policies of the socialist regime.
While Western observers may find Uzbekistan’s religious and, in particular, Islamic policies of the post-Soviet state particularly interesting—especially in light of developments in neighboring Afghanistan—Uzbekistan has also experienced many other reforms in recent years. This includes economic reforms that Uzbekistan has been implementing since 2017, aimed at opening up Uzbek markets to international investors. However, implementation has been slow, hampered by corruption and bureaucracy. The risk of setbacks is heightened by the state’s continued dominance in the economy, as well as its heavy reliance on raw material exports.
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