For years, arms exports to Türkiye were a sensitive issue for the German government. However, when German Chancellor Olaf Scholz appeared alongside President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan at a press conference in Istanbul last month, he spoke as if such concerns had never existed. “Türkiye is a NATO member,” he stated, adding that it was “self-evident” for Germany to supply weapons to the country from time to time. “We’ve made such decisions recently, and there will be more to come.”
Türkiye has been raising the issue behind closed doors during visits from German politicians for years. Although there was never an official embargo, applications for export licenses have reportedly been delayed for about five years, according to Turkish sources. This was due to Turkish threats against Greece and military offensives in Syria and Iraq. In Ankara, Germany’s Green Party was seen as the main obstacle. Now, Berlin seems to be reassessing the situation. Scholz described the “revitalization” of arms cooperation as a “good step,” while Erdoğan expressed satisfaction that “problems” with acquiring military equipment had been resolved.
Two weeks prior to Scholz’s visit, German media reported that the German Security Council had approved deliveries worth more than €250 million, including anti-aircraft missiles, torpedoes for the Turkish navy, and equipment to modernize submarines and frigates. Progress is also being made on Eurofighter Typhoon fighter jets, which Germany produces in a consortium with the UK, Spain, and Italy. Previously, Berlin had blocked such negotiations, according to Turkish sources. Scholz now stated that the UK government was pushing this project forward, although it was still in the early stages. The newspaper Yeni Şafak reported that a team from the consortium had already arrived in Türkiye for technical discussions.
The German government’s renewed openness to arms exports to Ankara has apparently alarmed Greece, which fears falling behind in the arms race with its arch-rival Türkiye. Perhaps this is why Scholz praised the recent thaw in relations between Athens and Ankara, calling it “close to his heart.” Before his departure, Berlin had spoken of a “new start” in relations with Türkiye, after years of sharp criticism of Erdoğan’s autocratic tendencies.
During her farewell visit three years ago, former Chancellor Angela Merkel said, “We still have a lot of difficulties to overcome.” Scholz, however, made no mention of such issues. The reason: Russia’s war on Ukraine has reshaped Berlin’s perspective on its NATO ally Türkiye. The focus is now on securing the alliance’s southern flank and consolidating support for Ukraine in the face of waning international solidarity. This is especially critical if former U.S. President Donald Trump were to return to power. Germany and Türkiye are standing “closely together in support of Ukraine,” Scholz said—a notable statement, given that Erdoğan’s close ties to Russian President Vladimir Putin are sometimes seen as a problem. However, Erdoğan’s communication channels with the Kremlin could prove useful. Germany, Scholz said, is working to “explore how this war can be brought to an end.”
Since his re-election last year, Erdoğan has sought to ease tensions with Europe, driven in part by Türkiye’s economic challenges. This conciliatory approach was evident on Saturday, as he referred to Scholz as his “dear friend” and welcomed the German press in German. Critical issues, such as the dispute over the Akkuyu nuclear power plant being built by Russia’s state-owned Gazprom in Türkiye, were notably avoided. Erdoğan had recently complained that turbines for the plant were being “held up in German customs,” and Turkish media suggested he wanted to raise the matter with Scholz. However, he made no mention of it during the press conference.
Scholz also avoided addressing Türkiye’s human rights record. Yet, significant differences remain. On the Middle East, Scholz used a standard diplomatic phrase, noting it was “no secret” that their views diverged. Erdoğan once again accused Israel of “genocide,” describing its actions as “massacres” and suggesting that Israel exhibited “an almost lust for killing.” Shortly before Scholz’s arrival, Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan had hosted a Hamas delegation, calling the slain Yahya Sinwar a “martyr.” Scholz countered Erdoğan’s genocide accusation, asserting that Israel had the right to defend itself, though it must adhere to international law. He called for a swift ceasefire, stating that proposals were already on the table. Neither leader appeared keen to delve deeply into the Middle East conflict.
On migration, priorities have shifted. Berlin recognizes that while Erdoğan’s rhetoric may be unpredictable, Türkiye’s geopolitical position between Ukraine and the Middle East makes it an invaluable partner. For instance, Iran’s foreign minister was in Istanbul at the same time as Scholz. Erdoğan, despite his unpredictability, has been reliable on key issues, including the Ukraine war and migration. Scholz commended Türkiye’s significant role in hosting refugees and pledged continued EU financial support. Erdoğan reiterated that Türkiye’s “doors are always open,” even for people from Lebanon. However, the topic of Türkiye repatriating its citizens whose asylum claims Germany has rejected did not arise in Istanbul. Instead, Erdoğan renewed his call for visa-free travel for Turkish citizens in Europe. Scholz responded only by saying efforts were underway to streamline visa procedures.
The evolving German-Turkish relationship reflects shifting priorities. Realpolitik now dictates engagement, emphasizing stability in an increasingly volatile region. Scholz praised Türkiye for its extensive refugee support, while Erdoğan appeared pleased with the warmer rapport with Scholz, the rational German. The meeting ended with smiles and farewells—Auf Wiedersehen.
