Executive Summary:
The history of laws combating contempt for religions dates back to the nineteenth century, to protect places of worship from abuse. This paper seeks to investigate the reasons behind the enactment of such laws, commonly referred to as religious blasphemy laws, which aim to prevent the disrespect of any religion and its symbols. It explores incidents of attacks on places of worship in India, intending to fuel religious disputes and conflicts within a single society. Subsequently, this law has been employed to suppress freedom of expression and impose a singular viewpoint. This paper delves into the historical context of the enactment of these laws and the political exploitation of religion in attempts to Islamize communities and the state. The key focal points include:
- Introduction
- Islamic Groups Before the State
- The Idea of a Sharia-Based State
- Pakistan and the Establishment of Afghan Jihad
- Religious Groups and the Modern State
- The Illusion of Islamic Caliphate and Its Consequences!
- Conclusion
Introduction
In 1927, during the British colonial rule of the Indian subcontinent, the British authorities prohibited any intentional malicious act aimed at inflaming the religious sentiments of any community by insulting its religious beliefs. However, at its inception, this law did not discriminate between different religions. (2)
This law transitioned to the newly formed state of Pakistan, and later, it was amended during the era of General “Zia-ul-Haq” in the 1970s, as part of his attempts to Islamize the Pakistani state. The law was modified to impose a life sentence on those who desecrate the Quran. In 1986, the death penalty was added to the law for those who blaspheme against Islam. (3)
It is the pretext with which hundreds were accused; the Pakistani government convicted several individuals of blasphemy, sentencing them to death. However, this law has been used by Pakistani groups or individuals who executed it in certain tribal areas without recourse to the state.
In 2011, “Mumtaz Qadri” became a national hero in Pakistan after assassinating the governor of Punjab, “Salman Taseer,” following Taseer’s call to repeal or amend the blasphemy law. Taseer had also sought clemency for a Christian woman named “Asia Bibi,” who had been sentenced to death in 2010. (4) (5)
Here the tragedy becomes apparent, along with the strange paradox, as ordinary individuals can commit murder, transform into heroes in their community’s eyes after committing such a crime, and violate state laws, all according to tribal customs recognized there. This implies that retracting or amending the blasphemy law could lead to an unprecedented state of chaos in the country.
At that time, the state was strict in executing the death sentence for Malik Qadri due to his crime, but the challenge reached its peak when extremists responded by carrying out several suicide bombings. One of them targeted a judicial complex in the tribal region of Shabqadar in the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province, followed by a second assassination less than two months later, targeting the Minister for Minorities in the Pakistani government, “Shahbaz Bhatti.” This occurred on March 2, 2011, due to his advocacy for amending the blasphemy law. (6)
Later on, Islamic groups transformed the grave of “Malik Qadri” into a grand shrine, frequented by people daily until our present time. This occurred even as the highest court in Pakistan categorized Qadri as a terrorist, revealing the magnitude of challenges the state faces. The state was unable to prevent Islamic groups from constructing the shrine for Qadri, fearing a larger escalation, as these groups are accustomed to taking to the streets during every political crisis. How did things reach this point, and how did the influence of Islamic groups, fueling extremist tendencies, reach such a level that the state is held accountable for dealing with them? (7)
Islamic Groups Before the State
Islamic groups were born in India before the partition and the formation of the two Pakistani states, the western and the eastern. Then came the second partition between Bangladesh and Pakistan. The factors contributing to the increased role of Islamic movements are rooted in their emergence and formation within that environment before the idea of separating from the Indian subcontinent and before the formation of the state of Pakistan.
Several internal factors are linked to the nature of ethnic and religious conflicts that arose in the Indian subcontinent after the two World Wars. Some factors trace back to the state of alienation experienced by Islamic groups after the collapse of the Ottoman Empire. One of the most prominent of these Islamic groups is what has become known as the “Islamic Jamiat” in Pakistan, founded by Abu al-A’la Maududi in India on August 26, 1941, which still bears this name to this day. In addition, there are several Islamic groups scattered throughout the Indian subcontinent today. (8)
The problem of Pakistan yesterday or today is a common issue among Islamic groups that harbor the idea of establishing an Islamic Sharia state. However, these groups are facing a crisis in materializing this vision and transforming it into a realistic model that can bring about a qualitative leap in the country’s future. This is due to the absence of a real model upon which these groups can rely. These groups can be best described as visionary entities aspiring to actualize the dream of a just state in reality. However, when they attempt to enact this idea, they lack a civilizational means to present this imagined model.
The Idea of a Sharia-Based State
Religious schools in Pakistan are among the country’s most prominent features. Statistics indicate the presence of 247 religious schools on the eve of Pakistan’s independence in 1947. By the year 1988, their number had reached around 2,861 schools. This period witnessed significant support from General Zia-ul-Haq during the Islamization era. By the year 2000, studies show that the number of religious schools had risen to 6,761, marking a noticeable and intriguing increase.
The proliferation of religious schools in Pakistan can be attributed to several factors, with one of the most significant being the phenomenon known as the Islamic revival at that time. Pakistan was one of the key bases for the Islamic revival. Additionally, poverty, illiteracy, and the inability of parents to educate their children contribute to the spread of religious schools. These schools provide free education due to their reliance on donations. (9)
In addition to that, factors such as the separation from India and the emergence of a broad generation of preachers affiliated with the Islamic group founded by Maududi (the spiritual father of political Islam) and dozens of other groups that arose in Pakistan after independence contribute to the spread of religious schools. These schools adopted and maintained their role. Later, they had a significant impact during the Afghan era, with their influence becoming more pronounced when the Taliban movement emerged from within these religious schools. These schools played a key role in establishing the first state governed by Islamic Sharia (according to the Taliban’s vision) and in alignment with the religious ideology that emerged in Pakistan and the broader Indian subcontinent.
The idea of establishing or reviving the Caliphate began with the inception of various Islamic movements in India, such as the Caliphate Movement. It continued with the emergence of the Islamic group led by Maududi in 1941, and further extended to our impoverished East, especially the Muslim Brotherhood, which originated in Egypt on March 22, 1928.
However, the education and the disparities in awareness and culture in our impoverished East caused the MB to lag significantly in ascension. Although it preceded the Islamic group in Pakistan in terms of emergence, the interaction of the Arab East with European countries took on a different character than life in the Indian subcontinent. This is especially true since the era of Muhammad Ali Pasha, who introduced industry to Egypt early on and worked on modernizing education. The role of Al-Azhar Sharif became a pivotal sign in development and awareness, with educational missions sent to Europe since 1826. In contrast, the situation in Pakistan was different as it remained distant from education, with widespread illiteracy, reinforcing the idea of alternative religious schools there. These schools continued to shape the future landscape with a focus on legal aspects while neglecting various aspects of life
Pakistan and the Establishment of Afghan Jihad
Islamists reached power in Pakistan, forming alliances and engaging in conflicts based on the rotation of political parties in power. The most significant ascent for Islamic groups occurred during the era of General Zia-ul-Haq, who overthrew his predecessor, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, after a period of unrest instigated by Islamic groups. This period resulted in the death of hundreds, justifying General Zia-ul-Haq to take the coup.
“Zia-ul-Haq began his rule by approaching Islamic movements, gaining their support. They participated with him in the first cabinet he formed, with the Islamic group taking over the information portfolio, and Zia-ul-Haq’s brother-in-law leading the Islamic group in Pakistan.” (10) According to the Encyclopedia of World History
The importance of the preceding paragraph lies in shedding light on an important aspect of Pakistan’s history, namely the controversial rise of Islamic groups there. It is known that the preacher (Mian Tufail Muhammad) took over the leadership of the Islamic group in November 1972 after the founder of the group, Maududi, stepped down from its leadership due to a health emergency. (11)
But what if General Zia-ul-Haq is his nephew? That raises several questions that need answers, and the story that requires answers begins with the deterioration of the political situation in Pakistan. At that time, it was governed by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, who, on April 1, 1976, appointed Zia-ul-Haq as the Chief of Army Staff, bypassing five generals who were senior in rank! This was because of Bhutto’s confidence in him due to his perceived lack of political inclinations. At that time, Zia-ul-Haq was known for his religious and conservative personality, dedicated to religious practices. (12)
Here arises the following question:
What did Ali Bhutto aim to achieve with this? Did he want to appease Islamists by appointing the leader nephew of the Islamic group to a sensitive position? Or did he want to reassure them that his secular orientation would not interfere with the interests of Islamists in the country? These are legitimate questions because the appointment of Zia-ul-Haq, according to prevailing military and political norms, was not logical in the presence of military figures higher in rank.
In the end, after Ali Bhutto was ousted from power and sentenced to death, the overt rapprochement between Islamists and the government, along with their partnership and assumption of the most important platform in the state, the Ministry of Information, occurred. Later, the country entered a new phase that brought Islamists back to the forefront, but through a new external issue: the beginning of the Afghan Jihad era. The Islamic group in Pakistan played a major role in receiving, preparing, and sending the Mujahideen back to Afghanistan.
With this step, Pakistan was starting to relieve the pressure of Islamic groups on the government. However, the opposite was true. With the death of Zia-ul-Haq and the changes in Afghanistan, the idea of “victory” became entrenched in the minds of Islamic forces. The Afghan experience became a successful model that the Islamic movement there believed it could replicate. Then came the emergence of Al-Qaeda. (13)
As the Mujahideen began to return from Afghanistan to their countries, the Afghan model became an integral part of the ideological framework for Islamic movements. This influence extended not only to Afghanistan but also to Arab countries, Africa, and beyond. The Islamic group leaders’ voices began to dominate the political scene, not only in Afghanistan but also in Arab countries, Africa, and elsewhere. Religious leaders could mobilize the public, leading to protests that, on the surface, appeared to be religious demands. However, their content conveyed political messages directed at the state and the citizens who constitute the electorate in the upcoming elections. This was precisely what happened in 2006 during the media frenzy surrounding the caricatures intended to defame the image of Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him). A Pakistani religious figure and his group announced a reward of nearly a million dollars for anyone who would kill the creator of the offensive cartoons. (14)
Religious Groups and the Modern State
Certainly, we are not against religious schools and their establishment idea at all, as they are an authentic part of the Islamic heritage that spans several centuries. If we look at the experience of Al-Azhar, which was an educational institution focused on various sciences, we find a significant difference between it and Pakistani religious schools. The religious schools in Pakistan have mixed education with political affairs, leading to the emergence of a new generation that seeks to bring about change without understanding political matters. This is also what the MB did, and it is a tendency embraced by various Islamic groups that believe their understanding of religious matters qualifies them to lead society. However, this fundamentally contradicts the approach of the very State of Medina, which all Islamists boast about and claim to be able to emulate.
In Medina, figures like Khalid bin Al-Walid, who only memorized a few short chapters of the Quran, became the leader of the Muslim army, the political negotiator, and the decision-maker. He was involved in conflicts from the Arabian Peninsula to wars in Persia, Iraq, and the Levant. Meanwhile, the most famous and knowledgeable scholars of Medina, well-versed in the teachings of the Holy Quran, remained in the city, playing no political role at all. Figures like Abdullah bin Umar bin Al-Khattab and Abdullah bin Abbas, known as the “Ink of the Ummah” due to their extensive knowledge, did not have any political role like that of Abdullah bin Umar bin Al-Khattab, who was a military commander and political negotiator.
So why do some preachers insist on involving themselves in the art of administration and leadership of nations?
The Illusion of Islamic Caliphate and Its Consequences!
Exploring the historical record for points of light and darkness becomes a practical task of historical comparison, which can be reconstructed in that historical imagination. This process pushes towards a competition of ideas about the longed-for ideal society. Here, the theoretical production begins, transforming this production into a vast quantity of ideas that assume unrealistic and impractical premises on the ground.
Then the partisan game begins, blending these ideas with historical heritage, making the party or group in the minds of believers in these ideas the absolute truth and the future. The political party or the leader of the group becomes the true representative of Islam for those individuals. Gradually, the group leader or the party becomes a spiritual father, robbing his followers of the choice idea. That dream of change materializes in a political figure or a specific party structure, and a specific party ideology that is not open to discussion. This can be termed as the concept of historical determinism within Islamic thought that emerged after the communist era.
Thus, political Islam is merely a state in the imagination, not comprehending the changes that have occurred in the form of the state and its institutions. It is a human group shaping its ideas in the shadow, with a distant religious leadership isolated from political work, yet desiring to enter the whirlwind of political action.
Conclusion
Human ideas are not fixed physical laws or pre-established chemical equations. Instead, they represent a human effort serving a specific period, which may be extended or shortened. Therefore, what some might have considered valid in the ideas of Hassan al-Banna or Maududi during a specific period cannot be entirely applicable in the present era. What Maududi wrote about Pakistan and what al-Banna wrote about Egypt is not suitable today for changing the reality.
The bitterness of social reality and the conditions of psychological defeat that reflected on the entire Islamic world found themselves in a state of complete surrender to the flood of these ideas. During a specific period, these ideas represented the solution for many, especially regarding the issue of the caliphate. The common ground between Maududi and Hassan al-Banna lies in the revival of the caliphate, even though the caliphate had fallen centuries ago and had been nothing more than a familial rule based on tyranny. Thus, the idea of the caliphate was an easy concept in people’s minds, indicating that religious theoretical production was concealing an absent reality: the search for a source of power.
Here lies the main crisis of political Islam: when religion becomes a means to achieve another goal, namely power. After reaching power, Islamist groups often contemplate using it to reproduce an ideal Islamic society, which is essentially a latent concept in the imagination rather than a concrete reality.
References
- The official website of the Arabic section of the German TV DW, March 2, 2011.
- BBC Arabic section, March 2, 2011.
- The previous source.
- Al-Bayan magazine, September 5, 2011.
- Asia Bibi, a woman sentenced to death on blasphemy charges in 2010, was recently acquitted by a Pakistani court.
- German TV DW, March 2, 2011.
- Report on France 24 TV, aired on March 21, 2017.
- Abu al-A’la Maududi was a renowned Islamic thinker born in 1903 in India. He passed away in 1979 and was the founder of the Islamic community in India in 1941.
- Statistics from Elaf website, January 19, 2002.
- World History Encyclopedia, History of the Arabs and Muslims, Vol. 2, p. 225.
- The previous source.
- Book “Political Assassinations in the Modern Era” by Iyad Muhi al-Din Amin, 1st edition, Oman, page 106.
- Al-Qaeda, a multi-national organization, originated in 1988 between Pakistan and Afghanistan.
- Al-Ayyam newspaper quoting Reuters, February 18, 2006.
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