By Ghazaleh Vaziri, Brussels
It is not the first time that France has sent contradictory signals regarding its commitment to the fight against terrorism. As its global influence declines, Paris is trying to maintain its presence, at least in Lebanon and the Middle East, to remain a relevant player.
The decision of the International Criminal Court (ICC) to issue arrest warrants against Israeli government officials was initially endorsed by the French government. While EU member states such as the Netherlands, Germany, Italy, the Czech Republic, and Hungary opposed the decision and declared they would not arrest the Israeli Prime Minister and Defense Minister, French officials described the refusal to implement international arrest warrants as “the West’s suicide.” However, France’s public commitment to the “unwavering principles of justice and humanitarian law” lasted only a few days—until it became known that the French government had positioned itself as a mediator in the ceasefire negotiations between Israel, Lebanon, and Hezbollah. France’s Foreign Ministry subsequently announced that it would not enforce the arrest warrant against Benjamin Netanyahu after all.
Such political flexibility benefits the French export industry: The CMA CGM Group, a leading French shipping and logistics company, was awarded the contract to rebuild the port of Beirut after the devastating 2020 explosion, in which Hezbollah was involved. According to the book Le déclassement français by journalists Georges Malbrunot and Christian Chesnot, such deals were only possible after an agreement between French President Macron and Hezbollah in Beirut, in which Macron allegedly agreed not to raise concerns about Hezbollah’s significant military buildup.
This might also explain Macron’s particularly sharp criticism of Israel’s military actions against Hamas and Hezbollah, which must also be viewed in the context of Qatar’s substantial €10 billion investment in emerging French key technologies. At the same time, France’s growing Muslim population is becoming an increasingly important political factor for Macron and his struggling government.
The French, who often loudly proclaim their commitment to liberal ideals, set the bar very high. One could also say that the bar is set so high precisely so they can conveniently walk under it. In Paris, it seems they have forgotten that Hezbollah was involved in the 1983 bombing of a French barracks in Beirut, which killed 58 French soldiers, and that the group carried out deadly bombings in Paris in the mid-1980s. Whether France, already weakened by its political crisis, can restore its dwindling influence in the Middle East in this way remains questionable. And whether ties with Hezbollah will still seem opportune after a sudden fall of the Assad regime in Syria is another unresolved question.
Is Germany doing better? Only at first glance. While there are no high-profile terrorists in German prisons whose release is being demanded, there are still significant shortcomings at the European level. The EU does have a counterterrorism coordinator, but the inconsistent application of laws across member states and differing enforcement practices hinder a unified response. This allows Islamists to continue operating within the European Union. Information-sharing among EU countries about concrete threats remains insufficient. Although there is an EU-wide list of terrorist organizations, the effectiveness of countermeasures varies from country to country. A comprehensive EU-wide database of dangerous individuals and terrorism suspects would be a crucial step in improving information exchange and reducing risks—but such a database does not yet exist. To this day, most intelligence on potential attacks in Europe comes from U.S. agencies.
Financial flows to terrorist organizations also require much better monitoring. Europe must finally develop stronger responses to the growing threat of cyberterrorism. Many young people are radicalized online and drawn into the arms of terrorist groups—a problem that applies not only to Islamist networks but to other extremist circles as well.
No Western country can afford a lax approach to threats posed by terrorist organizations and their supporters. A strong state is needed to protect its citizens—a state that must also have the tools to defend democracy against these attacks. This should be an absolute priority for the new EU Commission and the future German government.
