The Libyan Attorney General revealed that 228 candidates in the second phase of municipal elections are facing legal prosecution in criminal cases. In a statement, he mentioned that the High National Elections Commission (HNEC) requested the criminal records of 4,114 candidates. An analysis of the Public Prosecution’s database showed that 228 of them are involved in various cases, some of which have resulted in convictions, while others are still under investigation. According to the statement, the cases registered against the candidates include 5 murder cases, 14 threats cases, 8 cases of public property damage, 16 cases of abuse of power, 13 cases of defamation, and dozens of misdemeanors. The list also includes 6 cases of illegal weapon possession, 7 cases of document forgery, and 9 cases of brawling. Additionally, there is one case related to illegal immigration, 7 theft cases, 5 cases linked to drug use or trafficking, and 2 cases of kidnapping. During the first round of municipal elections, it was found that about 120 out of 2,389 candidates were being prosecuted for felonies and misdemeanors, leading to their disqualification from the electoral race.
Libya is preparing to organize the second round of local elections, covering 62 municipalities, including major cities like Tripoli, Benghazi, Misrata, Zawiya, Al Bayda, Sabha, Derna, and Sirte. Last Tuesday, the HNEC announced that the latest update of the total number of registered voters reached 413,987 voters. The Libyan Union of Parties expressed deep concern over the low voter registration turnout for the second phase of municipal council elections, citing several reasons for voters’ reluctance to register. These include a loss of trust in existing institutions that have not seen electoral renewal, the suspension of previous presidential and parliamentary elections, which created widespread frustration, a lack of belief in the possibility of real change through these elections, and issues with voter registration after the nomination process, which reduces the chances of selecting candidates who truly represent the people’s will.
The Union proposed several solutions to address the crisis, including calling on the elections commission to reconsider the timing of the second phase of elections and focus on addressing the reasons for voter apathy first. It also suggested launching a comprehensive national dialogue to discuss the decline in participation and propose practical solutions, such as reforming electoral institutions and ensuring a safe and fair electoral environment with the help of the United Nations and international organizations. The Union rejected promoting a flawed electoral process lacking the necessary conditions for success, which could exacerbate the political crisis rather than resolve it. It also emphasized the importance of electoral campaigns through various media outlets, educational institutions, and public billboards.
In a qualitative development that received broad international support and welcome, Libyan municipal council elections were held on November 16 last year, with around 200,000 Libyans heading to the polls in an attempt to break the political deadlock and division. This marked the first local election conducted nationwide in over a decade. The first phase of the elections covered 58 municipalities in the eastern, western, and southern regions, with an initial participation rate exceeding 74%. The second phase is scheduled for January 1 of next year. The high voter turnout and the readiness of security forces to secure polling stations set a model for future national elections and were seen as a significant step toward resolving the prolonged political crisis.
In a move that deepens political divisions, the President of the Presidential Council, Mohamed Al-Menfi, issued a decision in August 2024, supported by the head of the Government of National Unity, Abdulhamid Dbeibah, to form the “National Referendum and Inquiry Commission,” chaired by Othman Abubakar Al-Qajiji, the former head of the High National Elections Commission. The commission is expected to oversee national referendums and inquiries as determined by the Presidential Council. In response, the House of Representatives quickly declared the decision null and void, describing it as unconstitutional and unjustified. This decision effectively creates a parallel body to the HNEC, the sole authority responsible for organizing and managing elections in Libya under Law No. 8 of 2013. The move appears to be part of the ongoing struggle between eastern and western forces to impose their political will, leveraging the concentration of voters in the more densely populated western region for referendums approved by the Presidential Council and Dbeibah’s government.
On the other hand, it is unlikely that Al-Menfi’s decision will be implemented in the eastern regions under the influence of military commander Khalifa Haftar, as well as in the southern regions and some western cities. This step is likely to exacerbate regional divisions and seems to be part of efforts by various parties to perpetuate the current political stalemate. Legally, no national referendum can be conducted without the approval of the House of Representatives.
Undoubtedly, the intensification of geopolitical conflicts among major global powers is reflected in several issues at the United Nations Security Council, most notably the Libyan crisis. In October last year, the Security Council voted to extend the mandate of the UN mission in Libya for three months until January 31, 2025, with an automatic extension for an additional 9 months if a new UN envoy to Libya is appointed. Since the resignation of Senegalese UN envoy Abdoulaye Bathily in April last year, the position has remained vacant. The continued vacancy of this position reflects the lack of consensus among major powers and key players in the Libyan crisis at the Security Council due to conflicting strategic and economic interests. Despite the limited powers of the UN mission over the parties to the crisis, it plays a crucial role in building common ground for understanding between external actors and internal political forces, as well as breaking the political deadlock and building on previous international and UN efforts. Therefore, the lack of consensus on a UN envoy undoubtedly hinders the resolution of the crisis.
Amid the security challenges and political divisions within Libya, the relative success of the municipal elections has provided a glimmer of hope regarding the country’s readiness to hold presidential and parliamentary elections and move toward a new phase of stability and alignment with the aspirations of the Libyan people. However, achieving this remains contingent on the political will of all active parties in the crisis. With the High Council of State entering a phase of instability due to disputes between Khaled Al-Mishri and Mohamed Takala over its presidency, and growing concerns about the council’s political role being frozen, consensus on electoral laws leading to national elections remains indefinitely postponed. This is particularly significant given the pivotal role of the High Council of State in reaching consensus on electoral laws, as it is considered the “second chamber of legislation” in the country.
