By Ahmed Al-Remeh
Summary:
This study aims to explore the history of political Islam in Sudan and the role of the Muslim Brotherhood in the country from its inception to the present day. Employing a historical narrative and descriptive methodology, we examine the impact of political Islam, particularly the Muslim Brotherhood, on the state and society.
We focus on Dr. Hassan Al-Turabi, given his significant influence on Sudan’s trajectory as the mastermind behind political Islam and the ideological guide for the regimes that governed Sudan in various forms.
This study delves into the mistakes and sins of political Islam, specifically the Muslim Brotherhood, and the consequences of these errors for Sudan as a state and people. It highlights how these factors led to the secession of South Sudan, multiple civil wars, and the involvement of the Muslim Brotherhood in these conflicts, both as instigators and participants. The Brotherhood continues to be involved in the ongoing civil war through its support of the Sudanese army.
Introduction
To understand the devastation political Islam has inflicted on Sudan, leading to a civil war that has ravaged the nation, one must trace the history of the Muslim Brotherhood in Sudan. This reveals the extent of the Brotherhood’s misconduct, errors, and even crimes against the country and its people.
The history of the Brotherhood’s corruption in Sudan runs deep, spanning over seventy years. Understanding the actions of political Islam requires delving into the origins and evolution of this group in Sudan and the roles it played. Only then can we grasp how Sudan reached its current state of destruction—a country that deserved a far better fate.
The History of Political Islam in Sudan
The politicization of religion in Sudan began in 1843 when Ahmed Al-Mahdi declared the Mahdist Revolution against Ottoman rule. General Charles Gordon, the military governor of Sudan appointed by Khedive Ismail, was killed, and Ahmed Al-Mahdi proclaimed the establishment of the Mahdist State in 1885. However, the Mahdist State was defeated in 1891 by British forces, and the movement later evolved into a political party known as the Umma Party.
The Mahdist movement served as a precursor and, in some ways, a foundation for the eventual emergence of the Muslim Brotherhood in Sudan. In 1948, a young Sudanese man named Jamal Al-Din Al-Sanhouri returned from Egypt, where he had been a member of the Muslim Brotherhood and was closely associated with its leader and founder, Hassan Al-Banna. Al-Sanhouri established a branch of the Brotherhood in Sudan. At the time, Sheikh Awad Omar Al-Imam headed the Sudanese Brotherhood branch, and later, the group appointed Ali Talib Allah as the General Supervisor of the Sudanese Brotherhood. However, the British colonial authorities refused to grant the Brotherhood a license to operate in the country.
In 1949, an Islamic movement emerged at the Gordon Memorial College, later renamed to University of Khartoum, under the leadership of Yusuf Muhammad Babikir Al-Karrar. The movement aimed to combat the spread of communism among university students and adopted the concept of “Islamic Socialism.” When the Muslim Brotherhood proposed that the movement join their organization, the offer was rejected, leading to a dispute between the Brotherhood and the movement.
This disagreement culminated in a conference in 1954, known as the “Eid Conference,” which sought to resolve the conflict. The conference adopted the name “Muslim Brotherhood” and elected Muhammad Khair Abdul Qadir as its secretary-general. However, the former general supervisor of the Brotherhood, Ali Talib Allah, rejected the outcome of the conference and announced his split from the group. Hassan Al-Banna intervened, appointing Al-Rasheed Tahir, from Ali Talib Allah’s faction, as the general supervisor of the Muslim Brotherhood in Sudan.
The Beginning of Public Activities of the Muslim Brotherhood in Sudan
The Muslim Brotherhood began its public activities in 1955 by organizing a conference attended by various Sudanese Islamic movements. The conference aimed to produce a unified document from all Sudanese political Islam movements advocating for an Islamic constitution after Sudan’s independence. The conference elected Omar Bakhit Awad, a member of the Brotherhood, as its secretary-general.
However, in 1959, Al-Rasheed Al-Tahir, a member of the Brotherhood, was arrested on charges of participating in an attempted coup against the military government led by General Ibrahim Abboud. He was sentenced to five years in prison. The Muslim Brotherhood publicly disassociated itself from the coup attempt and expelled Al-Rasheed Al-Tahir from the organization.
The Rise of Dr. Hassan Al-Turabi and His Role in Sudan’s Disasters
During the October Revolution of 1964, the prominent Islamist thinker Dr. Hassan Al-Turabi emerged as a key figure. Al-Turabi, who had recently returned from Paris and was a law professor at the University of Khartoum, played a pivotal role in the revolution that overthrew General Ibrahim Abboud’s regime. Following this, Al-Turabi founded the Islamic Charter Front, bringing together several political Islam movements to advocate for an Islamic constitution for Sudan.
Al-Turabi succeeded in transforming the Islamic Charter Front into a powerful political force, becoming the third largest political coalition in Sudan after the Umma Party and the Democratic Unionist Party. He was elected its secretary-general in 1969.
The Alliance with General Jaafar Al-Nimeiry and Subsequent Divisions
In 1976, General Jaafar Al-Nimeiry, who had come to power in 1969, decided to form an alliance with the Islamists. The Muslim Brotherhood agreed to reconcile with Al-Nimeiry. Prominent figures such as Sadiq Al-Mahdi and Hassan Al-Turabi joined the political bureau of the Socialist Union. However, disputes arose between Al-Mahdi and Al-Turabi, leading to Al-Mahdi’s removal and Al-Turabi’s appointment as Attorney General of the Socialist Union in 1979.
A split within the Muslim Brotherhood followed, caused by disagreements over cooperation and integration with Al-Nimeiry’s regime. While Al-Turabi insisted on collaboration, the Brotherhood’s traditionalist faction opposed it. This led to a schism in the organization, prompting Al-Turabi to establish a new party called the Sudanese Islamic Movement.
Al-Turabi successfully persuaded Jaafar Al-Nimeiry to issue a series of decisions in 1983 enforcing the application of Islamic Sharia law. However, Sadiq Al-Mahdi opposed these laws, arguing that they could exacerbate divisions and potentially lead to the fragmentation of Sudan.
Later, Al-Mahdi held Al-Turabi responsible for granting the South autonomous governance, considering it a failure of Al-Turabi’s Islamic project on a national level. Al-Mahdi accused him of neglecting the rights of minorities in his Islamic vision for Sudan.
Al-Turabi’s Execution of Thinker Mahmoud Mohamed Taha
The Republican Party, led by the intellectual Mahmoud Mohamed Taha_, emerged during this period. Taha proposed a solution to the challenges of political Islam and minority issues through a concept that divided Islam into two messages: the first, creed, represented by the Meccan Quran, which remains immutable and undisputed; and the second, Sharia, represented by the Medinan Quran, which is subject to change. He argued that aspects of Sharia could be reformed or bypassed, preserving its humanitarian objectives while maintaining the integrity of Islamic creed.
Taha also advocated for the legalization of all political parties, regardless of their affiliations, and rejected Al-Turabi’s push to enforce Sharia law. For this, Al-Turabi sentenced him to death, and Taha was executed in 1985. This act provoked widespread public outrage against Al-Turabi’s policies and ideology.
Mahmoud Mohamed Taha, as he was known in Sudan, predicted the eventual failure of the Muslim Brotherhood. He asserted that the Brotherhood would ultimately lead the country into chaos and destruction, and the Sudanese people would reject them entirely.
Following the fall of Jaafar Al-Nimeiry’s regime, Al-Turabi adapted to the changing political landscape. He established the National Islamic Front as an opposition to the government of his rival, Sadiq Al-Mahdi. This led Al-Mahdi to form an alliance with the National Islamic Front, resulting in the formation of a National Reconciliation Government in 1988. In this government, Al-Turabi held the position of Minister of Justice and later assumed the role of Minister of Foreign Affairs.
The military grew dissatisfied with the policies of the National Reconciliation Government. In a dramatic turn, Brigadier Omar Al-Bashir staged a coup against the government, detaining its leaders, including Hassan Al-Turabi. However, through negotiations with Al-Turabi, Al-Bashir’s Revolutionary Command Council reached a deal, leading to Al-Turabi’s release from prison. Following his release, Al-Turabi and his party formed the Council of Defenders of Al-Bashir’s Revolution, later known as the Committee of Forty. Over time, this committee became the main body determining Sudan’s policies.
Al-Bashir, with the collaboration of Al-Turabi, embarked on a campaign of authoritarianism and repression against all opposition. This included widespread arrests and torture of anyone suspected of disloyalty to the regime. The notorious detention centers, referred to as Ghost Houses, became symbols of oppression during this period.
In 1991, the military and the Muslim Brotherhood agreed to establish the Popular Police, an organization functioning as a moral policing body akin to the Committee for the Promotion of Virtue and the Prevention of Vice. Its purpose was to monitor and enforce Al-Turabi’s version of Islamic law. This led to the suppression of public freedoms, the banning of political parties, and the dismantling of labor unions. Al-Turabi, during this era, served as the de facto spiritual leader of the regime, earning him the moniker Khomeini of Sudan from his opponents.
These authoritarian policies and frequent missteps alienated large segments of Sudanese society, ultimately compelling Al-Bashir to sever ties with Al-Turabi. In 1999, after ten years of alliance between political Islam and the military, Al-Bashir dismissed Al-Turabi from his position as Speaker of the National Assembly and stripped him of all previous responsibilities.
In a characteristic display of pragmatism, Al-Turabi shifted his stance and signed an agreement with the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM), a former archenemy of his Islamist agenda. This move was widely criticized as a betrayal of the principles Al-Turabi had championed for years. The agreement led Al-Bashir to arrest Al-Turabi, further intensifying tensions within the political landscape.
Mistakes and Sins of Political Islam in Sudan
For decades, the Sudanese Muslim Brotherhood was plagued by internal divisions and disputes. However, when Omar Al-Bashir ousted Hassan Al-Turabi, the faction opposing Al-Turabi accepted participation in successive governments under Al-Bashir’s regime. Over 34 years of Al-Bashir’s rule and his alliance with political Islam, it became evident to all observers that political Islam played a central role in Sudan’s crises, culminating in the current civil war.
The coup by Al-Bashir and his alliance with Islamists resulted in numerous disasters for Sudan, including:
- The secession of South Sudan from the motherland.
- Economic sanctions and international isolation of Sudan.
- The proliferation of Islamist militias, leading to instability.
- Many Sudanese observers trace the roots of the current civil war to the Al-Bashir/Turabi alliance.
- The Islamic Movement (formerly the Muslim Brotherhood in Sudan) played a key role in enabling Al-Bashir’s coup and overthrowing the democratically elected government of Sadiq Al-Mahdi, which had replaced the regime of Jaafar Al-Nimeiry.
What Has Political Islam Done to Sudan?
Let us briefly examine the impact of political Islam, particularly the Muslim Brotherhood, on Sudan, which has led to widespread political and economic corruption as well as ethnic and sectarian conflicts among the Sudanese people.
1. The Attempt to Islamize the State and Society
One of the most dangerous and frequent errors of the Muslim Brotherhood, wherever they assume power, is their attempt to “Brotherhoodize” the state and society. Under the slogan of “Islamizing the state,” they aim to transform the government into one aligned with Brotherhood ideology. This entails filling all leadership positions in the state and society with members of the Brotherhood or their ideological allies, particularly in the early stages of their rule.
This approach was evident in Tunisia after the Brotherhood, led by Rashid Al-Ghannouchi, came to power. Similarly, in Egypt, after the Brotherhood rose to power, they made the grave mistake of attempting to Islamize the Egyptian military. However, Egypt’s military institution is a closed and powerful structure—the strongest in the country—which led to the military overthrowing Brotherhood rule. Additionally, the Brotherhood in Egypt tried to “Islamize” Egyptian art, which serves as a significant soft power both domestically and internationally, particularly through the phenomenon of veiling actresses.
In Sudan, Al-Bashir held a firm grip on power, and Islamists formed the cornerstone of his regime. They used religious slogans to eliminate political opponents. Analysts note that, under the pretense of “Islamization” (or Brotherhoodization), Islamists carried out widespread purges in both the civil and military sectors, forcibly retiring thousands of employees and dismissing others. This allowed political Islam to take control of all critical positions in Sudan, dominating political and economic decision-making during what is locally referred to as the “first decade” of Islamist rule.
Observers in Sudan affirm that Al-Bashir ruled with an iron fist, retaining his position as head of state while implementing the policies of the Islamic Movement (Sudanese Brotherhood). During this period, Al-Turabi and his Brotherhood affiliates wielded immense control over Sudanese society.
2. Turning Sudan into a Haven for Terrorism
Hassan Al-Turabi, the Islamist mentor of Al-Bashir’s regime, committed one of his gravest errors by turning Sudan into a refuge for terrorist organizations. He hosted leaders of Al-Qaeda, including the global leader of the organization, Osama bin Laden. Under Al-Turabi’s influence, Sudan became a base for terrorist operations both within the country and beyond its borders. Al-Turabi is accused of providing these groups with the necessary facilities to carry out their activities.
This led the U.S. State Department to designate Sudan as a state sponsor of terrorism. As a result, severe economic sanctions were imposed on the country, isolating it internationally. These sanctions were only lifted after the fall of Al-Bashir’s regime in April 2019.
3. Secession of South Sudan from the Motherland
The forced implementation of Sharia law in Sudan, and Al-Turabi’s refusal to adopt an inclusive policy for non-Muslim communities—an approach advocated by Sadiq Al-Mahdi—led to the escalation of rebellion movements in South Sudan. This resulted in a war between the central government and southern militias demanding autonomy to avoid the imposition of Islamic law. These militias were led by John Garang.
Islamists labeled John Garang’s group as anti-Sharia, reframing the conflict from a rebellion against the Sudanese state to a “jihad for the sake of God.” This narrative mobilized Islamic fighters to join the Sudanese army in its battle against southern forces.
However, the government failed in this war due to numerous factors. This forced the regime to negotiate with John Garang’s group, culminating in the Naivasha Agreement of 2005. This agreement granted the South the right to vote on whether to remain part of Sudan or secede. In the subsequent referendum, an overwhelming majority of southerners voted for independence, leading to the creation of the state of South Sudan.
The secession of South Sudan was one of the greatest losses caused by political Islam in Sudan. The country lost approximately one-third of its territory, a significant portion of its population, and the majority of its oil resources—a devastating blow to Sudan’s economy and unity.
4. The Darfur War of 2003
The Muslim Brotherhood failed to learn from their past mistakes and reckless endeavors, which had plunged Sudan into both internal and external crises. Following the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, which led to the secession of South Sudan, they embroiled the country in yet another civil war under Al-Bashir’s regime, this time in the predominantly Muslim region of Darfur in 2003.
Observers attribute the Darfur conflict to the Islamist authorities, accusing them of causing the deaths of approximately 1.5 million people and the displacement of around 2.5 million others, who became either internally displaced persons or refugees. Despite these devastating losses, the government failed to suppress the rebellion in Darfur.
To support its war efforts, the regime established the Janjaweed militia as an auxiliary force operating outside official structures. This militia, under the supervision of the Sudanese government, committed widespread human rights violations. Their actions not only exacerbated the conflict but also ignited violent clashes between Darfur’s Arab and non-Arab (Zaghawa) communities, deepening divisions within the region.
The atrocities in Darfur prompted the United Nations to take action under Chapter VII of its charter. This led to the establishment of the largest peacekeeping mission in the organization’s history, the United Nations-African Union Mission in Darfur (UNAMID). Comprising tens of thousands of international soldiers, this mission was tasked with protecting civilians from the brutality of Sudanese government forces and the allied Janjaweed militia.
Faced with mounting internal challenges and worsening crises due to the failures of political Islam and the military’s authoritarianism, Al-Bashir sought to secure his regime against a potential coup, even from his Islamist allies. To this end, he established the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), drawing its ranks largely from Darfur. This force was designed to suppress dissent and protect Al-Bashir’s regime.
In 2019, during widespread popular protests against Al-Bashir’s rule, the RSF, under the leadership of General Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo (Hamidti), turned against Al-Bashir. Aligning with the protesters, Hamidti played a critical role in Al-Bashir’s ousting. Following the fall of the regime, Hamidti secured the position of Deputy Chairman of the Sovereignty Council in the transitional civil-military partnership government, formalized by the constitutional declaration in August 2019.
The Betrayal of the Popular Revolution (October 2019 Coup)
Although the Muslim Brotherhood publicly declared their support for Sudan’s popular revolution, they secretly coordinated with factions within the military to undermine and sabotage the transitional government. They incited the military to stage a coup against the government, particularly after the formation of the Committee for Dismantling the Former Regime and Combating Corruption.
The Brotherhood played a pivotal role in the subsequent coup on October 25, 2021, led by General Abdel Fattah Al-Burhan and Hamidti, the leader of the Rapid Support Forces (RSF). This coup resulted in an agreement between Al-Burhan and Hamidti to transfer power to civilians, integrate the RSF into the national army, and eventually remove the military from governance.
However, the Brotherhood opposed this agreement, as it would permanently exclude them from power. They actively worked to derail its implementation, sowing discord between the army and the RSF, plunging the country into a new civil war that continues to this day. Sudanese observers report that the Brotherhood orchestrated the army’s involvement in the civil conflict, leveraging their jihadist militias to fuel the chaos. This led to widespread devastation across what remained of Sudan.
The Brotherhood openly aligned with the army against Hamidti and the RSF, obstructing all efforts at negotiation and peace. They framed the war as a “war of dignity” and branded anyone opposing it as a traitor. Their slogans in the streets echoed with calls like: “Let their blood flow! Let our blood flow! Let all blood flow!”
Conclusion: Mahmoud Mohamed Taha’s Prediction of Political Islam in Sudan
From the above, it is clear that political Islam, particularly the Muslim Brotherhood, played a destructive role in Sudan, leading to the fragmentation of regions, the displacement of its people, and the deaths of countless Sudanese citizens—all to maintain political Islam’s dominance over the state and society.
The prediction of Mahmoud Mohamed Taha about the future of political Islam in Sudan has been fulfilled. He stated:
“It is better for the Sudanese people to experience the rule of this fanatical religious group. It will be an extremely valuable lesson, as it will undoubtedly expose the falsity of their slogans. This group will control Sudan politically and economically, even through **military means, and will make the people endure great suffering. They will plunge the country into strife, turning its days into nights. Ultimately, they will destroy themselves and be uprooted from the land of Sudan.”
